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settle the myth of the Siege of Gaza

Despite claims Gaza is under siege, the area receives more aid deliveries as the earthquake-damaged Haiti.

UN-Generalsekretär Ban Ki-moon verband seinen kürzlichen Besuch des Gazastreifens mit der Aufforderung, die so genannte Blockade des von Terroristen kontrollierten Gebietes zu beenden. Allerdings muss man sich fragen, welche Blockade oder Belagerung er meint, wo doch 738.576 Tonnen humanitäre Hilfe im Jahr 2009 in den Gazastreifen überführt wurden.

Überdies stellte die UN dem Gazastreifen 200 Millionen US-Dollar Hilfszahlungen zur Verfügung nach einer Militäroperation, die 1.300 Opfer forderte bei einer Bevölkerung von 1,5 Millionen – während sie den Opfern der Naturkatastrophe in Haiti, trotz Plänen die Hilfe zu erhöhen, bis Ende Januar nur 10 Millionen US-Dollar hat send, an earthquake that claimed over 230,000 lives and suffer the consequences of over 3 million people.

The U.S. government promised the Gaza Strip, to the military operation Cast Lead 900 million U.S. dollars of aid payments, while the shaken earthquake-Haiti to date, has received only about 700 million U.S. dollars in aid, such as USAID and DOD calculated have.

The international community is a flat lie on an Israeli siege of Gaza fallen into the trap, while it ignores the facts. International humanitarian assistance to reach for years incessantly in the Gaza Strip und endete in keiner Weise nach der Operation „Gegossenes Blei“, denn 30.576 Hilfstrucks fuhren im Jahr 2009 in das Gebiet.

Ynet.news - Jacob Shrybman

Solid Black Work Tattoo

spoil the game with no tactics

Von Anfang an fürchteten wir, dass das Leben mit US-Präsident Barack Obama kein Picknick sein würde. Die Signale aus Washington waren von vornherein deutlich.

von Yoel Marcus

Bei all den Problemen zu Hause, für die Obama eine Lösung finden muss, kann von ihm nicht erwartet werden, Israel im gleichen Maße zu verhätscheln wie dies seine Vorgänger taten. Darüber hinaus tendieren wir zum Argwohn gegenüber has a president, the Jews among his senior advisers.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who leads a government of the radical elements belonging understood from the beginning that this was not the right time to irritate the new administration in Washington. Obama's overture to a Middle East peace agreement, to which a speech just in Cairo was while Israel was not on the visit list was-another sign for having us, as opposed to what we used to think, not as the most important factor considered.

Netanyahu, who is no fool, understood, dass Obamas Aktionen eine positive Reaktion verlangten. Und diese erfolgte in der Tat mit seiner Rede am 14. Juni 2009 in der Bar-Ilan-Universität. Während dieser Rede machte Netanyahu den tiefgreifendsten Vorschlag, den ein israelischer Premierminister jemals in dieser Form geäußert hat: „Zwei Staaten für zwei Völker“. Man muss diese Aussage nicht übersetzen, um zu verstehen, dass das, was er der anderen Seite anbot, ein palästinensischer Staat war, und dass dies ein Ende der Besatzung und die Festlegung dauerhafter Grenzen zum schmerzlichen Preis des Rückzugs und der Evakuierung von Tausenden von Siedlern bedeutete.

Doch anstatt den Premierminister bei seinem Wort zu nehmen, hob niemand den Fehdehandschuh auf. Die palästinensische Führung betrachtete das Angebot als eine Falle, stellte eine Bedingung nach der anderen auf und verweigerte dadurch quasi die Wiederaufnahme von Verhandlungen.

Als Journalist, der über den Camp-David-Gipfel von US-Präsident Jimmy Carter berichtete, frage ich mich, ob wir jemals ein Friedensabkommen mit Ägypten unterzeichnet hätten, wenn Ägypten den Stopp des Siedlungsbaus im Sinai oder andere Vorbedingungen für die Schlussverhandlungen gefordert hätte. Was ist der Zweck einer Friedenskonferenz oder direkter Verhandlungen wenn nicht derjenige, das ganze Spektrum von Problemen, für die es keine zeitweiligen Regelungen gibt, zu lösen?

Es wird diejenigen geben, die sagen, dass es sich Ägypten in Folge des Yom-Kippur-Krieges mit seinem Überraschungseffekt auf Israel, gestatten konnte, an einem Gipfel teilzunehmen. Doch die Palästinenser können in Folge ihres lang anhaltenden bewaffneten Kampfes gegen Israel, der den früheren israelischen Premierminister Ariel Sharon dazu brachte, seinen Traum von einem größeren Israel aufzugeben, auch mit erhobenen Häuptern zu Friedensverhandlungen kommen.

Anstatt Netanyahu an seine öffentliche Zusage zu binden, kooperierte die Obama-Regierung mit dem, was der frühere US-Außenminister Henry Kissinger als das palästinensische Talent, Gelegenheiten zu verpassen, beschrieb. American middle men have wasted months, far-fetched excuses for the Palestinian refusal to enter into direct negotiations with Israel to listen to.

It is unclear why the idea came up of "proximity talks", as Mahmoud Abbas, president of the Palestinian National Authority, and his friends in leadership positions already held talks with Israeli Prime Minister and Foreign Minister in Jerusalem and went out, not to mention from the fact that giving the proximity talks with Syria this way has long been negotiating a bad reputation. The proposal by the U.S. government is basically no approach but a distance, because both sides are kept apart from each other and is built for each page a forum with far-fetched claims. There is a ten-month stop at the settlement.

But what difference does that, where Israel has yet explained a long time that it is ready for the establishment of a Palestinian state? This is the first time that an Israeli government proposes in this way, the establishment of a Palestinian state. But you deal with trivialities such as the ten-month halt to the settlements. America, Israel can not build anyway beyond the Green Line, when the Negotiations have begun again.
Israel to prove that it committed to peace. It is unfortunate that the Obama administration, this claim is not also to the Palestinians.

Haaretz

Honda Pilot With A Snow Plow

the 1967 borders

Israel must withdraw behind the 1967 borders? expressed

While Israel's willingness to compromise in the course of peace negotiations, there are still those (who from the Gaza Strip, Israel has already withdrawn voluntarily) on the complete end of all Jewish presence in the West Bank, and on a full Return to the armistice lines of 1948 erratic insist that existed before the Six-Day War of 1967.

There are no provisions in any of the agreements signed between Israel and the Palestinians, a withdrawal behind the border lines demand of 1967. There are no geographical imperatives that the 1967 lines holy. Certainly there is no logic in it to anchor an unintended boundary line that existed less than 19 years. The boundaries of the West Bank of 4 June 1967 were not based on historical facts, natural geographical formations, demographic considerations or international agreement.

The pre-19 67-limit lines rather based on the armistice lines were drawn based on the position of the army after the independence war of 1948. contained Accordingly, the ceasefire agreement of 1949, all F estsetzung the final political border. These Lin ien reflected only the relative positions of the Jordanian-Iraqi 's and Israeli forces at the end of the war against. A few months after the Six-Day War, adopted by the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 242, the core UN decision on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

The resolution recognized the problematic nature of the boundaries of 1967, leaving Israel with a 'wasp waist' of 9 kilometers, and Israel's need for "secure and recognized borders." In particular, the Security Council had returned the Arab demand for a text that Israel committed to the complete return of all of the UNT during the conflict of 1967 he brought his control area, said Israel was only to "retreat from areas in the recent conflict were occupied, "called, not from an" all the territories ", not even from" the territories ".


Subsequent peace talks have dealt with solutions that include compromises border between Israel and a potential Palestinian state. Even Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Peace stated in his last Knesset speech to his assassination in 1995, that Israel is not a behind-the-line 4 will retire in June 1967. reflects this position against both the changes that have over the past four decades gone locally pace than even the problematic nature of the original boundary lines.

exist now important Israeli population centers in the West Bank, concentrated most of which are in residential blocks and are close to the lines of 1967. The forced deportation of its inhabitants rather than a rationalization of the border would not be approved by the Israeli population and represent an insurmountable challenge for any Israeli government.

The Israelis have old ties to this part of the land of Israel, and Jews have lived there for centuries - until 1948, the ethnic cleansing in the West Bank were victims. Many sites of great religious and historical significance for the Jewish people are in the West Bank. This includes the grave of the Patriarchs in Hebron, where the According to tradition, Abraham, Sarah, Issac, Rebekah, Jacob and Leah are buried.

A rational assessment of a realistic and lasting peace process, the Jewish presence in the West Bank will be charged. Until now, all negotiations on a two-state solution to this premise is based. A final status agreement will reflect the new reality of the West Bank and require both sides to a compromise.

haGalil.com

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